History tells a different story. Modern militant Islam developed with the founding of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt in the 1920s, during the most democratic period in that country’s history. Radical political Islam gains followers not only among repressed Saudis but also among some Muslims in Western democracies, especially in Europe. The emergence of radical Islamist groups determined to wreak violence on the United States is thus not only the consequence of Arab autocracy. It is a complex phenomenon with diverse roots, which include U.S. sponsorship of the mujahideen in Afghanistan in the 1980s (which only empowered Islamist militants); the Saudi government’s promotion of radical Islamic educational programs worldwide; and anger at various U.S. policies, such as the country’s stance on the Arab-Israeli conflict and the basing of military forces in the region.
Government repression and, at times, co-optation have also undermined Arab democrats’ effectiveness. Some regimes — notably Saudi Arabia’s — move quickly to clamp down on any nascent liberal debate. Others are more tolerant, giving liberals some intellectual space to write and discuss issues openly, as long as their talk is not followed by action. Arab democrats in countries such as Egypt are not a persecuted group. Rather, they tend to be professionals comfortably ensconced in the upper-middle class. Therefore, they are hesitant to demand genuine reforms that might lead to a hard-line takeover and content to advocate democratization from the top.
However, recent academic critics have characterized intervention in the Middle East as a means towards engendering democracy a failure. The 2011 study from 's concluded that democracy promotion has been flawed from the beginning in both Iraq and Afghanistan, with corruption rampant in both countries as the United States prepares to withdraw many of its combat troops. On a scale of democratization established by , Iraq and Afghanistan are two of the worst-ranked countries in the world, surpassed in corruption by only and .
This has occurred because of the fundamental problems that seem to get lost in translation when western nations try to impose a government on the people in the Middle East. In order for democracy to ever work in Iran or elsewhere in that area of the world, these basic, fundamental differences must be addressed appropriately and ultimately be bridged, so that a common accord can be reached in the best interests of the Iranian people.
Free Middle-East History papers, essays, and research papers.
The stability of the Egyptian regime has a great role to play in the regional stability of the Middle East. This is because Egypt is home to one of the most influential Islamist movements; the Muslim Brotherhood. Considering the stand that these movements have continued to have against secularism and the influence that such a large group exerts on other upcoming groups, the influence that the Muslim Brotherhood currently has on the Egyptian government will determine its stability and subsequently control the reactions that other Islamist movements have towards the regime. Since the brotherhood is the reigning Egyptian opposition party, its growth must be watched keenly because such groups are known to provide an umbrella for terrorist groups and the implementation of harsh Islamist laws both of which destabilize regional stability (POMED 2009).
Middle East Media Research Institute - Wikipedia
Until the year 2003, Saudi Arabia had not experienced the type of violence that Al Qaeda was now carrying out in the region. The Wahhabist religious tradition which controls the Saudi government can be blamed for creating the type of tension that eventually led to extremist action against Saudi Arabia. Because Wahhabi Islam determines Saudi Arabia’s style of governance, it is very hard to maintain regional stability because extremist groups will continually oppose any western influence in this nation and the whole of the Middle East (Hegghamer 2008, pp.703-709).
Yet these days the exhilaration generated by events like those in Kiev is mixed with anxiety, for a troubling pattern has repeated itself in capital after capital. The people mass in the main square. Regime-sanctioned thugs try to fight back but lose their nerve in the face of popular intransigence and global news coverage. The world applauds the collapse of the regime and offers to help build a democracy. But turfing out an autocrat turns out to be much easier than setting up a viable democratic government. The new regime stumbles, the economy flounders and the country finds itself in a state at least as bad as it was before. This is what happened in much of the Arab spring, and also in Ukraine’s Orange revolution a decade ago. In 2004 Mr Yanukovych was ousted from office by vast street protests, only to be re-elected to the presidency (with the help of huge amounts of Russian money) in 2010, after the opposition politicians who replaced him turned out to be just as hopeless.
News for Students and Teacher Resources 7-12 Grade Level
, the Middle East editor for newspaper at the time, wrote in a public email debate with Carmon in 2003, that his problem with MEMRI was that it "poses as a research institute when it's basically a propaganda operation". Earlier, Whitaker had charged that MEMRI's role was to "further the political agenda of Israel." and that MEMRI's website does not mention Carmon's employment for Israeli intelligence, or Meyrav Wurmser's political stance, which he described as an "extreme brand of Zionism". Carmon responded to this by stating that his employment history is not a secret and was not political, as he served under opposing administrations of the Israeli government and that perhaps the issue was that he was Israeli: "If your complaint is that I am Israeli, then please say so." Carmon also questioned Whitaker's own biases, wondering if Whitaker's is biased in favor of Arabs—as his website on the Middle East is named "Al-Bab" ("The Gateway" in Arabic)—stating: "I wonder how you would judge an editor whose website was called "Ha-Sha-ar" ("The Gateway" in Hebrew)?